PROVIDER OF THE JIGSAW PIECE THAT MAKES IT POSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND ALSO TODAY’S POLITICAL TRANSITION PERIOD
I am a Political Analyst, Economist and Author who helps policy makers, business leaders and the public navigate today’s tumultuous – and analytically fascinating – transition period. I have had the opportunity to work with policy specialists, research institutes, think tanks and corporations across three continents. I am moreover a regular contributor to the current affairs debate in both the UK and Sweden (link to regular speech topics here and link to my Chartwell Speakers profile here). Well-known employers include the Swedish Foreign Ministry, OMX (Nasdaq) and Cantor Fitzgerald. I was employed by Cantor during the September 11 disaster (Cantor Fitzgerald was the company most severely affected; 650 colleagues passed). This disaster proved a career turning point for me. Analytically I started to also focus on the threats to a vital society. I have found that groupthink, when idealistic and marketed by the political camp in vogue, has always been much more destabilising to society, long term, than even terrorist attacks. How so? Because external enemies are easy to unite against while easy to spot. Political camps with institutionalised powers, on the other hand, will typically move society into excess terrain stealthily. Since not even the orchestrators will see the big picture effect. “One more small step, right? Why the fuss, don’t you care about these things?”
Many small steps still add up. So overreach will follow through unintended mission creep. Typically dressed up as prudent balance. Given all the good faith involved intellectual confusion will inevitably follow. As well as tribal mudslinging. For the third time in a hundred years we are, in real time, experiencing precisely such a transition period. The key difference between these three periods? Voters have reacted against different flavours of political overshoot. First against right-wing overshoot (1920s), then against left-wing overshoot (1980s) and today against Centrist overshoot. True, many of us have been conditioned to think that Centrism almost always equates balance. This, however, is a major mistake that might make the current transition period seem extra confusing. However, much of this confusion immediately evaporates once acknowledging the Centrist overshoot situation. As well as how institutionalised Centrist groupthink is stifling progress in much the same way institutionalised right-wing groupthink stifled progress in the 1920s and institutionalised left-wing groupthink stifled progress in the 1980s.
I am ideologically independent per definition while a believer in realism and political balance rather than in the individual superiority of any political ideology. Why? Because history leaves little doubt that overreach typically follows any political camp dominating the political scene over a stretch of time. Once the useful realist agenda has been fulfilled armchair idealism will always, due to the way human nature is wired, be concocted and spouted to keep the fight alive. This phase is unfortunate for just about everyone. The movers and shakers in power – those who have often built their political platforms by always consistently pushing for just a bit more – will usually not see that they have transformed into agents of excess. Whereas voters will not be delivered the moderation they typically have been promised by just about everybody. Discontent and pushback will inevitably follow. The good news? A new stable equilibrium is perfectly achievable since most people in most camps actually do seek moderation – and usually quarrel mainly about how to best arrive at a society distinguished by moderation and balance.
My speciality is big picture narratives constructed after having first not only eliminated politicised groupthink but also paid heed to practical realities on the ground. This means I offer an approach which no doubt is influenced by my realist and doer oriented professional background. Some examples of such narratives here (Telegraph; EU/Brexit, paywall), here (The Times; Scottish independence), here (City AM; why “only” voters have understood how to tackle the coronavirus), here (Telegraph; why other EU countries are destined to unwillingly follow Team Boris; paywall), here (Telegraph; how big business is using wokery as a moral alibi when assuming oligopolistic powers, paywall), here (CapX; why the UK Labour party is so troubled), here (Telegraph; why the power of the woke crusaders has already peaked, paywall), here (CapX; why and how libertarians got the Swedish coronavirus story totally wrong) and here (CapX; why capitalism works and is nevertheless constantly under attack).
A BOOK THAT DETAILS WHY AUTHENTIC MODERATES REALLY DO NEED TO BE WARY ALSO OF CENTRIST OVERREACH
My latest book – Healing Broken Democracies: All you need to know about Populism – starts off with me interviewing six of the world’s foremost thought leaders in relation to their (book) masterpieces: Daron Acemoglu, David Goodhart, Matthew Goodwin, Eric Kaufmann, Jonathan Haidt and Luigi Zingales. Thereby readers are offered, on a silver plate, the highlights and key insights of six of the absolutely best current affairs books published during the 2010s. This matters because if only knowing where to look the arguments explaining the populist phenomenon have been readily available for years. Meaning plenty of division and agony could have been spared if leading politicians in many countries had been willing to properly take on board what the thought leaders involved in this project have already been saying for a long time. However, better late than never.
My main argument following the interviews is that the big picture reason for today’s political turmoil really is due to Centrists having taken things too far. Centrism is used as an umbrella term for the shared thinking behind the unholy de facto alliance between Centre-left and Centre-right political leaders. Those leaders who have, until very recently, almost continuously dominated the both political and economic scene since the 1990s. These leaders have typically pushed a very similar internationalist, de facto corporatist and de facto (neo)paternalist agenda. Even if not acknowledging as much themselves.
Examples? The mutual support for key policy changes such as the unprecedented open border policies, the transfer of voter power to unelected bureaucrats in internationalist organisations, the corporatist links between politicians and big business (donors), the no end to the artificial money boosting of the economy, the moralistic “wokery” facing down anyone challenging received (Centrist) wisdom and the also unprecedented way today’s dominating (Centrist) intellectuals are set on never or rarely acknowledging Western World progress when Centrists were not in charge. On top of this a “safe space” university mentality has been promoted that in practice primarily dismisses – surprise, surprise – the challengers of Centrist hobby horses such as those just mentioned.
It should be noted that Centrists started off exceptionally well – not least by pushing out outdated and prejudiced thoughts relating to for example ethnicity, gender equality and sexual orientation. So it is certainly not Centrism per se that is problematic; “only” its overreach features. Such overreach was always only a question of time after every key political party had slided into Centrist terrain. The typical response when disillusioned voters had the audacity to push back against their supposed establishment betters? “Too uneducated to know their own good”. This is how and when the smell of 21st century Centrist overreach was mixed with the 19th century smell of paternalism. It is no small irony that the really uneducated thing to do is to fall for this textbook example of an argument always used by so called benevolent autocrats to “temporarily” offset democracy. Yes, vast amounts of good faith is involved but this only hinders a much needed rethink. As a consequence it also contributes to guaranteeing a vicious circle marked by division, bitterness and mutual calls for extraordinary powers. Still, contrary to many others who primarily talk about polarisation and unbridgeable divides I am, in the book, providing plenty of evidence that positive correction is already taking place. I am also detailing why honest acknowledgment of the Centrist overreach fiasco – no ifs and no buts – is key to not only revitalising society at large but also to revitalising all varieties of political thinking. Left-wing, right-wing AND Centrist.
Healing Broken Democracies can be seen as a tribute to the realist doers of society. To individuals from all walks of life set on making things work in practice. Perhaps most obviously society’s realist doers include countless operators on the field of practical reality. People who are often shamefully neglected simply while not as close to power as the career peddlers of idealist groupthink. Included among the realist doers are also those intellectuals who pay heed to the empirical data even when not politically convenient for the politicians pulling the university budget strings. The intellectuals interviewed as part of the just mentioned book project are all model examples of such intellectuals. A key common characteristic of all (experienced) realist doers? They typically know or at least suspect that when political promises lack practical detail – and sound to be too good to be true – the delivery prospects will probably be dismal. As a direct consequence realist doers tend to seek backtracking from every idealist strand of politics. Again from right-wing idealism, left-wing idealism AND Centrist idealism.
NOT ONLY SOCIETY BUT ALSO MOST CENTRISTS ARE FAILED UNLESS SPEAKING TRUTH ALSO TO CENTRIST POWER
True political independence is only possible after having first acknowledged that political overreach typically follows every political camp dominating the political scene over a stretch of time. Such an understanding is necessary to ensure political neutrality against not only politicised group-think in the past but also against politicised contemporary group-think. Meaning only with such an understanding can current affairs commentators – people like myself – stop the malpractice of mainly identifying flaws among the challengers of contemporary – today Centrist – power players. That mistake not only makes complete nonsense of the “speak-truth-to-power” claim. It even does Centrism a disservice while hindering the much needed rethink necessary for revitalisation. After all, also Centrist voters are failed by the Centrist excess politics presently on offer. How so? Because when asked few Centrist voters seek anything but realist, balanced, honest and robust acknowledgement of the trade-offs involved in politics. Or possibly cherry-picking of good thoughts regardless of political origin. This is a far cry from the idealistic – and immorally moralistic – variety that over recent years has actually been delivered. Meaning also most Centrist voters are poorly represented by their supposed representatives.
TRIBELESS UNLESS COUNTING THE EQUALLY NON-TRIBAL SILENT MAJORITY
My refusal to offer consistent support to any ideological tribe is illustrated by the fact that the permanently angry social media trolls tend to take turns attacking me. Those who always, always swing behind the same tribe regardless of issue discussed. So many tribal left-wingers are upset with me due to my unreserved Brexit (and Swexit) support. Many tribal libertarians are upset by my consistent criticism of the “relaxed” early response in Sweden to the coronavirus (there should be no doubt that thousands of lives could have been saved if Sweden had done like the rest of the Nordics; closed down during the first 4-6 weeks in order to catch up on at least basic protection gear; Sweden has now ended up as the only country in Europe with an exceptionally low population density and a coronavirus death rate that stands out to such a degree that almost 4 out of 5 Nordic coronavirus deaths have taken place in Sweden). Many tribal Centrists are upset by my claim that during recent years their camp has, for the first time ever, moved into the terrain of destabilising excess. As well as tackled the inevitable pushback through neopaternalism. The nature of the vitriol offered is always much the same. Facts are cherry-picked to fit a politically useful – often black-and white – tribal narrative. Pushback hard to dispute is typically ducked through personal – so called ad hominem – attacks. Such classically tribal deception tactics certainly reflect a depressing side of human nature.
Then again, as disheartening as tribal vitriol can be, especially when on the receiving end, it might be the case that social media platforms, at least in one sense, serve as useful anger outlets. Not unlike, in the past, right-wing gentlemen’s club smoking rooms, middle-class coffee-houses and working men’s pubs. If the angry people feel better (empowered), after having insulted people they have mentally painted as “evil enemies”, they might refrain from hurting society in more serious ways. This of course still leaves the risk that some are encouraged rather than placated by the kinship felt when joining a social media echo-chamber bandwagon.
Either way, it must never be forgotten that the people who spend time and energy quarrelling on social media represent only a tiny fraction of the population. Since arguably the vast majority of people neither have the time nor the inclination to waste energy on destructive toxic social media exchanges. Due to the fact that we are currently experiencing the first major divide between the establishment and the people since the democratic breakthrough – with no side fully in control – there is plenty of reason to think that one non-tribal group in society is more sizeable than ever before: the much misunderstood silent majority. Only the silent majority seems to shift between individual political positions in precisely the same way as I do. Meaning without paying too much heed to if others label these shifts as right-wing (like over Brexit), left-wing (like over the coronavirus) or Centrist (like over the general preference for honest and grown up balancing acts). So given that my opinion cocktail is very similar to the opinion cocktail of the silent majority it is hard not to feel a strong affinity at least to this “tribe of the tribeless”. Yes, this tribe tends to be heckled from all sides – while per definition not as vocal as the traditional tribes – but it nevertheless exercises considerable clout during elections. So, even swimming against the traditional tribal tide(s) does have two sides. Needless to say I am immensely grateful for all the uplifting support from others who I suspect also often see themselves as more or less tribeless.
INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION, YES PLEASE, BUT NOT AT THE COST OF DEMOCRACY
I was born and raised in Sweden and studied at the Stockholm School of Economics (M.Sc Economics). During most of the 21st century I have lived in the United Kingdom. This means I am privileged to have experienced, first-hand, not only the political debate and professional culture of two extraordinary countries; but also the way of life in general. I have simultaneously experienced how the political culture has changed quite dramatically over recent decades. The perhaps most influential general change? In both countries mentioned the connection between politicians and the people was, not long ago, uniquely strong. Rooted in the fact that numerous leaders had spent their formative years on the field of practical reality. Leading to a grassroots understanding of real problems. Slowly but steadily numerous politicians in both countries have slided into the type of top-down territory that typically emanates from too much armchair thinking – and distinguishes just about every unsuccessful society.
Then again, if acknowledging that the weaker connection to realities on the ground is a root cause of today’s troubles there is also a natural way back towards yet again more democratic societies. Including a variety of international co-operation that does not look the other way when democracy is eroded. Meaning showing respect for those previously discriminated as well as for those who have not turned out winners during the globalist transformation. Only thereafter are truly inclusive as well as politically stable societies possible. Most people know this. Much of today’s problems are linked to careerists joining forces, subtly and often unknowingly, to try to make us believe that international co-operation is not possible without transferring considerable amounts of money and power in the direction of – again surprise, surprise – themselves. As soon as a critical mass of people has stopped sanctioning such neopaternalism it is perfectly possible for society to move forward constructively. In fact, this process has already started. Meaning that for those willing to see beyond the doom-and-gloom there are certainly also many positives.